By Luis Manuel Aguana
In the midst of the great confusion surrounding politics these days, the only thing that is clear to Venezuelans is that things are getting worse every day. And it’s not because of the dollar anymore. When goods and services rise from one week to the next 3 to 4 times, the dollar does barely rise 10 to 20 percent. The regime raised the military’s salary and bonuses by more than 2400%. (see in Spanish http://cronica.uno/incrementos-salarios-a-tropas-y-oficiales-de-la-fanb-superan-2400-ano/) while the rest of us Venezuelans are only 100% recognized (see in Spanish https://www.panorama.com.ve/politicayeconomia/Maduro-aumento-el-salario-minimo-a-3-millones-cesta-ticket-quedo-en-2-millones-196-mil-20180620-0105.html). The dollar is not rising at the same rate as the hyperinflation caused by the mega-corruption of the regime. So an income in dollars won’t be a solution either if we don’t find an immediate way out for these criminals who run the country.
The economy is only the first reflection of politics at all levels, not just in the economic sphere. And that’s the first thing the average Venezuelan feels: his pocket. Even more so when the regime wants to have a communist system operating in Venezuela, with the consequences we are suffering. That is why what we must resolve first is the political and then enter into a program of economic adjustments. That’s the order of things. Every struggle that the national country carries out must have only one and only one objective: to overthrow this system that a few people are trying to impose on us because of the hunger of so many Venezuelans. Not many in the world have done it with the communists, so the challenge is tough.
Why do we believe that the route we recently took using the path of the legitimate TSJ operating in exile could be an expeditious way out of these criminals? There are several reasons why we believe that. Let’s see.
1.- The disappointing picture of the Venezuelan opposition. There is no way for the political parties gathered in the National Assembly to rationalize together that we are missing the Republic. The criterion of their actions does not correspond to the general interest of the population but to their next position in power to hold office through a corrupt electoral system.
We must accept this: we do not have an opposition with sufficient political maturity to be able to perfect a common block to fight against the regime. If we ever did, we’re as far away from that as we can get right now. They talk about the Chilean electoral solution without taking a walk through the fact that these people first understood that they had to leave a dictatorship together. And when there are still parties and leaders that have not even characterized what is happening in Venezuela as a militarized communist narco-dictatorship, much less will we have a common conscience to begin to figure out how to get out of this ditch. At least Chileans had an electoral system in which the population could still rely on, even while under a dictatorship. In our case we don’t have that because the communist dictatorship perverted the electoral system.
2.- The abandonment of the opposition to the legitimate TSJ constituted abroad. After appointing the magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice to replace the “express” magistrates appointed by the previous National Assembly in December 2015, the new magistrates were persecuted by the regime, some of them imprisoned under the military justice system, as in the case of Magistrate Ángel Zerpa.
Although the new magistrates have been appointed and sworn in by the National Assembly, this institution is reluctant to recognize the High Court as institutionally appropriate, even though it has been constituted as the Supreme Court of Justice in exile to replace the illegitimate one operating in Caracas, given the mass resignation of the Supreme Court of Justice of the regime before the illegitimate National Constituent Assembly. This ignorance is demonstrated in the communication dated May 7, 2018, when the NA addresses them as “Citizen Magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice appointed by the National Assembly”, to respond to the decision of the legitimate Supreme Court of Justice dated May 3, 2018 (see communication of the National Assembly in Spanish at https://twitter.com/asambleave/status/993653953538744327?lang=es.
Read that there is a fundamental difference in this formalism here. The same National Assembly that appointed them treats them as “Magistrates appointed by the National Assembly”, without giving them the necessary institutional belligerence that has already been granted to the High Court constituted in exile by the entire international community, the last very important one being that of the newly elected President of Colombia, Iván Duque, who will invite the legitimate TSJ in exile to his assumption of office (see Antonio Ledezma’s information in Spanish at https://twitter.com/alcaldeledezma/status/1012488143059193859?s=12). This official opposition has not only abandoned the legitimate magistrates to their fate, but has also denied them the institutional recognition that corresponds to them as an institution capable of legitimately deciding on the future of the Nation.
3.- The insistence of the official opposition on the electoral path. A few days ago Henry Ramos Allup published a revealing note of what the “alligators” and main leaders of the ruling opposition really think (see in Spanish, Unidad afectada por violaciones a compromisos y acuerdos, en http://aperturaven.blogspot.com/2018/06/unidad-afectada-por-violaciones.html). In it, Ramos complains about the failure of most of the MUD parties to comply with the “Unitary Commitment to Governance” announced by them on July 19, 2017. It says that this route remains valid for all signatories, and states, “We can assure you that it is the failure of some political factors and individuals to live up to this commitment that has affected and continues to affect unity. Or to put it another way: if the commitment not to participate without electoral conditions had been respected and complied with by everyone, Maduro would not be where he is today and the sketch of May 20 would not have taken place. In other words, if the agreement had been respected, Venezuelans would have voted massively and elected a new President of the Republic by an overwhelming majority”.
What part of this dictatorship with all the kidnapped powers, especially the electoral one, has Henry Ramos Allup not yet understood? Even if all the parties had taken part in this fraud on 20 May, the result would still be the same: Maduro “winner”. That is the MUD’s route despite a ruling by the legitimate Electoral Chamber of the Supreme Court of Justice on June 13, 2018 declaring the use of automated voting and counting in Venezuela null and void. If the MUD-Wide Front insists on that path, ignoring that ruling and still running in elections with the regime, we would have to conclude that they are part of the government.
Faced with this devastating situation, we Venezuelans have no choice but to hope for a miracle that will change things in the country. Because if what happens here depended on this opposition leadership, which in one way or another is playing at the implosion of the regime with the intervention of the Armed Forces, we are leaving aside the fact that when something explodes or implodes, nobody knows to whom the pieces will fall or who will be injured or killed, these are completely fortuitous processes subject to the conditions and actors of the moment. The fall would not be controlled (see in Spanish, Caida controlada, en http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/2017/05/caida-controlada.html) y podríamos “amanecer de golpe” con cualquiera conduciendo el barco, con una altísima probabilidad de que el “nuevo” que venga sea de uno de los mismos factores –iguales o peores- del régimen actual que se disputan el poder.
And how to make that fall of the regime well managed like the controlled demolition of a building? Choosing the constitutional route. The desolation in which the official Venezuelan opposition in the country finds itself disqualifies it as a possible option to take the necessary decisions to take Venezuela out of the ditch where it finds itself. We know that, but do the political leaders who have brought us into it know that? An old executive adage indicates that the one who is least qualified to solve a problem is precisely the one who has caused it. And that’s our case.
The unprecedented approach that we are promoting constitutionally is that who is responsible for directing actions to solve the problem of seeking outlets to Venezuela is a National Emergency Government Council appointed by the Supreme Court of Justice, operating initially in exile, and counting with all the help and recognition that the International Community can offer (see in Spanish, Solicitud ante el TSJ Legítimo, en https://tinyurl.com/y7x87ldb). The trial for corruption of Nicolás Maduro Moros and the situation of kidnapping, ineptitude and submission of the official opposition in the country, is giving the opportunity to take a momentous step in this fight to liberate Venezuela from the communists as soon as possible. That is the route of the legitimate TSJ. Let’s support it …
Caracas, June 30, 2018