By Luis Manuel Aguana
There has been a whole discussion on social networks about the Amnesty Bill that in my opinion has not yet had to take place in Venezuela, but which has been a direct consequence of how the official opposition has assumed the transcendental issue of the political transition in Venezuela.
Let us all be clear first of all: the official opposition, days before the events of January 23, 2019, when Juan Guaidó on a platform decided to take over the Presidency of the Republic at the request of the Venezuelan people, had already decided in an Agreement on January 15 how that transition would take place. They decided to go for the slow solution of the negotiation with the regime, let’s call it a negotiated solution, because that was the way to save the necks of many who have collaborated from that opposition, trying to convince the regime’s supporters – read the military – to switch sides and depose Maduro.
Some Venezuelans immediately rejected that negotiated solution, not only because it was unconstitutional, when the National Assembly assumed the powers of the President of the Republic, in an attempt to evade the constitutional mandate to fill the Institutional Power Vacuum with the open designation of a President in Charge of the Republic, but because they prevented the Power Vacuum from being filled by the legitimate Supreme Court of Justice in exile. That would have been catastrophic for them.
Well, they did. And they left in a limbo negotiator with the regime that transition getting away with it. That’s how things came on January 23 and the G4 parties (AD-PJ-UNT-VP) wanted to let that date pass without swearing in a President in Charge. But the young Guaidó came and watered down the agreement, accepting without consulting them their charge before the country. That is why no one from that Directive stood to applaud the initiative, leaving the President to take charge in a way that remained for history as a “self-proclamation” in the worst Carmona style, when from January 10 Guaidó was already President from the constitutional point of view. That has given our enemies inside and outside the country arguments to dispatch that he was not sworn according to the law and the constitution. What was the problem, after the fulfilled facts, that the Directive swore him in the same act as the Venezuelan people shouted? Ask the G4, because they have not yet carried out the protocol act in the Hemicycle of the National Assembly.
That decision of Juan Guaidó instantly changed the perspective from having a slow and negotiated solution to a quick and precipitate one, let’s call it an immediate solution, with the consequent unrestricted support of the entire International Community. And that last one is the one that has always suited us Venezuelans, but not those who have collaborated with the regime, putting Guaidó and his VP party on a very difficult line between being crushed by the people who require Maduro to leave immediately and an Agreement that requires him to leave little by little. You will tell me that it suits us Venezuelans better.
And that’s where you start to understand that famous Amnesty Law, which was designed to negotiate with the regime within that slow-motion solution of that Transitional Parliamentary Agreement signed on January 15, when we didn’t have the full support of the U.S. cannons.
Even giving Henry Ramos Allup the benefit of the doubt of a negotiation with half regime within a transitional government, as his detailed explanation of how this parliamentarian considers a transition should be made says (see Ramos Allup talks about the “transition”, in https://youtu.be/zzudMxJGnVU, min 0:52), because according to that we would have no way of preventing the regime from lasting, how would that be justified now if the situation changed 180 degrees in one day and we do not need it? We don’t have to put half a regime into a transitional government because there is enough international support to get them all into a U.S. prison just by asking for it.
What now justifies a negotiated solution and not an immediate solution? The possible dead or the neck of the collaborators? The dead are already there every day in hospitals, on the streets, in maternity wards, in prisons, everywhere. What is more, there is no justification for a single more march for them to leave, because it exposes our sons to death, at the hands of the armed facineros of these criminals. The mere request for international help from a legitimate and constitutional President in Charge, recognised by the whole planet, would be more than enough to evict them and imprison them for what they have done to the country.
So what seems to delay the departure of Maduro and his thousand thieves is something else that has more to do with the interests of that group that wants a negotiated solution and not the interests of the Venezuelan people. The permanence of Nicolás Maduro in Miraflores with all the support received by Juan Guaidó is no longer justified. What media is a decision of his, of no one else.
So an Amnesty Law in that context IS AFTER, with Maduro and his regime out of power, not before. Because if before it could be justified because the politicians of the official opposition wanted to “negotiate” pardons in a negotiated solution, at this moment IT IS NO LONGER JUSTIFIED, with the main power of the world backing with facts and cannons the constitutional legality of Venezuela. Juan Guaidó is a phone call away from taking the dictator out of power who would only have room to negotiate the color of the orange braga he will be put in prison, parodying the joke of the color of the Liberator’s white horse.
The gravity of what has happened in Venezuela amply justifies a Nuremberg-style tribunal that decides whether or not to grant amnesty to anyone and provide justice to all those who have fallen, been tortured and murdered in this horrible time that has not yet ended in our contemporary history. Juan Guaidó was touched by the Divine Grace of God and not by anything else, the highest responsibility to immediately end this tragedy and begin a new time of reconstruction and reconciliation. I insist as I did yesterday, we still hope that you will not disappoint us…
Caracas, January 28, 2019