By Luis Manuel Aguana
I have always found ridiculous the statement that has become a mantra among blind followers of the official opposition in the sense that “there will be no U.S. military intervention in Venezuela. And they take as proof statements that in that sense they have made important spokespersons for the United States, such as Mr. Elliott Abrams, Undersecretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs.
And you’ll tell me I smoked a lumpia. But until you hear an official statement from the President of the United States of America saying the same thing, that cannot be believed, and yet it still would not be entirely true because international situations in geopolitics change every day. And why do I say that then? Because those who half know how the US administration works know that there is a separation of responsibilities and there is a daily sight of what the left hand does not know what the right hand is doing.
The North American administration functions as an orderly composition of compartments where the only one who has the overview is the President. Anyone who says that the whole will or will not do something is not telling the truth because that is only the competence of the President of the United States. What’s more, Elliott Abrams, who is what you might call here a Deputy Foreign Minister in his area, may be saying that and at the same time the DOD (Department of Defense) may be about to launch the troops in Venezuela and the DOS (Department of State), on which Abrams depends, may not even be aware of that maneuver if the President does not inform them, and they may be the last to find out internally. Things there don’t work the way they do here or in any other country. So do you see how ridiculous the statement of marras is? And more ridiculous are those who repeat it.
What is serious and important in all of this is that there is a clear and manifest interest from sectors inside and outside of Venezuela to create that matrix of opinion that does not benefit in any way the people of Venezuela. Why is this so? Because the only way for Nicolás Maduro Moros’ narco-militarized regime to get its ass out of Venezuela is if there is a credible threat of force that forces them to leave. Otherwise we will have them in Miraflores until Juan Guaidó’s beautiful daughter has grandchildren. Crude, but unfortunate reality.
But why should anyone be interested in making us believe that “there will never be a foreign intervention” to remove this regime and its paramilitary hordes? Because there is a whole policy from the inside aimed at following a course of action that implies negotiation for exhaustion with the regime of Nicolás Maduro Moros. If Juan Guaidó does not achieve this “cessation of usurpation” in the very short term, which he will hardly achieve because, as they well know, the Armed Forces are destroyed enough for this to happen, then the disenchantment of the population will reach such high levels that he will accept any solution as long as he has a promise to return to live as a people, even with an election with Maduro as a candidate. That would bust Juan Guaidó as President in Charge and force him to negotiate with the regime. Sound tough? And you haven’t read the worst.
That is the G4’s alternative plan to start Henry Ramos Allup’s famous Transitional Government with Authoritarian Enclaves, which would preserve the interests of corruption within the National Assembly and the future government. They are already setting up their electoral parapet, beginning with the negotiation of the Rectors of the CNE – 3 of the regime and 2 of the opposition – with a chinese tale that will be sold to the Venezuelans who “will win in the next election” in December 2019. They would have already begun with that until the blackout of the regime came, which increased in an indescribable way the arrechera of the Venezuelans (excuse my bad English) and made the electoral plans cool, because such a thing was impossible to propose after that incredible show of destruction of the country. After the failure they expect from the “cessation of usurpation,” they will try again.
From the United States, Juan Guaidó’s spokespersons flirt with the democrats who are determined to win the resignation of Donald Trump, who has been the only U.S. president to support Venezuela. From there, directives are coming out that aim to produce statements by spokespersons of the U.S. government and important private influencers, denying a possible military intervention in Venezuela. All the spokespersons of the official opposition, beginning with Juan Guaidó, have as their line to declare against foreign military intervention. That would burst them and the regime, but it would save Venezuela. What a package. Do you understand now why you don’t want the approval of the authorization of foreign military missions in Venezuela based on Article 187, numeral 11 of the Constitution?
But imagine that Nicolás Maduro Moros is not the regime’s candidate, but Rafael Ramírez, María Gabriela Chávez or any other corrupt who became rich in these 20 years. With all the millions stolen from the country, do you think that anyone who stands in the official opposition has any chance of winning that election, with the same CNE as the regime’s voting machine? Answer: They are not interested in the election, only in the money they will share with the regime. We Venezuelans have the moral obligation to abort that plan and force the official opposition to stop any attempt to go to another electoral process until Nicolás Maduro Moros and his regime leave the country by usurpers.
So this puts us in the real dimension of the problem. It is necessary that there be a foreign military intervention in the country by the International Community based on the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) that the States have towards Venezuela because the one who exercises power, Nicolás Maduro Moros, is violating the Human Rights of Venezuelans. But National Assembly deputies refuse to approve the only way to ensure that humanitarian aid with military custody reaches those who are losing their lives, for the reasons outlined above. What can we do?
The deputies of the official opposition in the National Assembly are not the product of a natural election. They are the result of a massive vote against the regime in the 6D-2015 election. (see in Spanish ¿Ganó la MUD o perdió el Gobierno?, in http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/2015/12/gano-la-mud-o-perdio-el-gobierno.html). No one in Venezuela voted for Henry Ramos Allup, Julio Borges, or Omar Barboza, in the strict sense of choosing a representative of our interests before a Parliament. And the worst thing is that even knowing it, these deputies are deliberately blocking what the Venezuelan people really want by protecting their own interests, in a clear conflict that we must resolve: it’s either them or it’s us.
Faced with this aberration, it is necessary to directly exercise People’s Sovereignty in order to express to the world that we are in a clear situation of requiring its humanitarian aid with military accompaniment from outside, authorizing whatever there is room for it to take place. It will be uphill for the countries to deny it to us, even in the UN Security Council itself, with Russia and China included, since the people of Venezuela would request it.
If the deputies, who indirectly exercise our sovereignty through suffrage, and who in the strict sense have decided not to represent our interests by not acting on the basis of what the Venezuelan people begs, then we must find a way to directly express our will before the world, as established in Article 5 of the Constitution: “Sovereignty resides untransferably in the people, who exercises it directly in the manner provided for in this Constitution and the law, and indirectly, through suffrage, by the organs that exercise Public Power. The organs of the State emanate from popular sovereignty and are subject to it”. It could not be clearer. As Article 5 says, the form is already provided for in the Constitution…
Caracas, March 19, 2019