By Luis Manuel Aguana
When you lose your way, you have to go back to the principles. That maxim has worked for me many times when I have strayed into the middle of this struggle with the regime and discovered ourselves hitting the wrong wall, devoting time, effort and absolutely scarce resources to things that are not aimed at attacking the very essence of the problem, and that take us off the road to the true goal.
And it is the case that the fundamental question we must be asking ourselves here -again- is not whether we are going against the consequences of the disaster they have caused (hyperinflation, famine, shortages of all kinds, violence and increased criminality) but against those who have caused it, since by eliminating the causes the consequences are immediately suppressed. Whatever President Juan Guaidó and his team do should be in the line of eliminating the origin of evil, but unfortunately we note that this is not the case.
If Maduro’s regime is “a joint criminal enterprise made up of 183 people, 205 corporations and 26 countries”. (see in Spanish AlbertoNews, https://albertonews.com/nacionales/regimen-de-maduro-es-una-empresa-criminal-conjunta-conformada-por-183-personas-205-corporaciones-y-26-paises/) then those of us who are struggling to eliminate this evil from Venezuela must be very clear about what should be done with it and seek the necessary help to eliminate it. Crime cannot be negotiated with, it must be eliminated at the root, detecting and suppressing the sources that give it life. This defines a line of conduct based on a fundamental principle. Hence the famous phrase “with terrorism you do not negotiate”. That is why we must return to those principles.
But it seems that this principle is still not clear to those who lead the opposition actions, starting with the President in Charge himself. And that’s what I saw with the twisted issue of the official opposition meeting in Norway. All of us, without exception, are engaged in a “dialogue” knowing that it would take us absolutely nowhere because that step shows that the nature of evil is unclear. So why wear ourselves out? Why put Venezuela in that direction? We mentioned the answer in a previous note: The President in Charge and his people oppose a humanitarian intervention even though the country cries out for it (see Liberation or cohabitation, in http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/liberation-or-cohabitation.html)
Having already discovered the strategy of the official opposition in relation to how to arrive at the “Cessation of Usurpation” (not now, after the third cake in Norway, but from 23F) that is, to negotiate in some way with Maduro and his delinquents, what should now move us Venezuelans who believe that a transition is not possible with delinquents, their regime or both, is to influence what we believe would correspond to the Venezuelan solution, and that seem to be the only possible courses of action from now on:
a) To press for the opposition political leadership to understand that no more time can be wasted waiting for the famous “collapse of the Armed Forces” because the Armed Forces are the praetorian guard of a cartel of international criminals and immediately decide to request external help, and that the National Assembly authorizes what is established in the 187#11 Constitutional, demanding the R2P from the International Community;
b) If the pressure described in a) is unsuccessful, either because the regime or its collaborators prevent, by the means we all know, rational principled decision-making, then the problem would be focused on seeking to get decision-makers, including the President-in-Charge, to synchronize with what the citizenry is demanding. In this sense, the Directive of the National Assembly cannot continue kidnapping in a sectarian manner the Power that the people gave to that body as a whole through its President, Juan Guaidó Márquez, based on Article 233 of the Constitution. The Statute of the Transition cannot be a kind of corset where all Venezuelans are involved.
On the other hand, I don’t think it’s a solution to insult or denigrate Juan Guaidó and his team, for more reasons – valid or not – than you can have, for all the failed attempts made since January 23. That energy should rather be used to unlock the way to a solution to the problem. Personally, I demand that Guaidó act based on the principles that made him be invested by the Venezuelan people on the 23E and that from this tribune he had been requesting for nearly a year for the appointment of a National Emergency Government through the Supreme Court of Legitimate Justice in exile (see my note of 4 June 2018, Beyond a National Emergency Government, in http://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/beyond-national-emergency-government.html).
The citizens deputies of the National Assembly, elected on 6D-2015, recognized as a whole by the International Community as the only legitimate institution in the country, are responsible, by action or omission, for everything that Juan Guaidó and his group are doing. The National Assembly assumed, through the Transition Statute, the constitutional powers of the Executive Power, and although everyone is now blaming Juan Guaidó for all the errors committed so far, it is the National Assembly as a whole that is called upon to correct them.
And that’s where I want to put the emphasis. It seems that once Juan Guaidó was invested with power as President in Charge, the National Assembly as an institution disengaged from the problem leaving him alone with the responsibility. Well, it’s not like that. They are all co-responsible before the Venezuelans, since the decisions they are taking as Executive Power are shared proportionally among all of them. And if this is so, they are also co-responsible for the same proportion of the consequences. That is why every insult that Guaidó receives must be distributed proportionally among all the deputies of that Assembly.
Now, someone will say to me, “but well, it was the Directive that assumed the Power”. Bad business for the rest of the Deputies and Venezuelans as a whole, since if the Assembly assumed the responsibilities as a collegiate body, they should also share the decisions among all its members, not just the Board. That should then open the possibility of a government shared among all fractions, because what we have seen so far is a government of the heart of the Directive of the National Assembly taking the worst decisions to achieve the “Cessation of Usurpation”, even with voice and vote of political leaders who are not part of the National Assembly.
In the same way, Venezuelans should demand from their deputies the participation of civil society in making those decisions that concern us all for the eviction of Maduro because that is provided for in the Statute of Transition that the deputies unanimously approved (Article 16.6). Based on the foregoing, I proposed in a previous note that a Governing Council should be constituted. (see Government Coincil, in https://ticsddhh.blogspot.com/p/blog-page_61.html) where all the mourners of Venezuela are truly represented in order to achieve a united “Cessation of Usurpation”. This is a matter of principle. Maduro wants to advance parliamentary elections because he knows that it is in the National Assembly where he can put a stop to his crimes. There is time to solve, so what are we waiting for?
Caracas, May 31, 2019